{"id":1973,"date":"2018-01-09T01:51:06","date_gmt":"2018-01-09T01:51:06","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/?p=1973"},"modified":"2018-01-09T01:51:06","modified_gmt":"2018-01-09T01:51:06","slug":"brazil-2018-elections","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/?p=1973","title":{"rendered":"Brazil 2018 elections"},"content":{"rendered":"

The following is translated and reprinted from our comrades of the Revolutionary Workers Group of Brazil (RWG-BR)<\/a>. The original Portuguese is included alongside the English translation:<\/em><\/p>\n

Brazil 2018 elections: Break with the Popular Front! For an Independent and Revolutionary Alternative!<\/strong>\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

Brasil elei\u00e7\u00f5es 2018: romper com a Frente Popular! Por uma alternativa independente e Revolucion\u00e1ria!<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

The 2018 presidential election in Brazil is set to take place in the greatest period of instability in the country since re-democratization in the 1980s.<\/p>\n

A elei\u00e7\u00e3o presidencial de 2018 no Brasil se encaminha para acontecer num per\u00edodo de maior instabilidade no pais, desde a redemocratiza\u00e7\u00e3o na d\u00e9cada de 80.<\/em><\/p>\n

The global crisis of capitalism with the fall in the rate of profits that broke out in 2008 — which has provoked great instability around the world — did not spare Brazil. In 2011 the crisis hit the country hard and in 2015 and 2016 Brazil had the biggest recession in its history. Dilma and the PT re-elected themselves in 2014 denying the existence of the crisis and promising that the country would “grow again.” The fall of GDP, high inflation and unemployment, increased misery and reports of corruption, increasingly amplified dissatisfaction among workers and poor people. The bourgeoisie and the media, who did not mention the depth of the world capitalist crisis, started an offensive against the PT (The \u201cWorkers Party\u201d), with the main weapon being the Lava-Jato (\u201cCar-Wash\u201d) operation, saying that the problem of the crisis in the country was the PT and corruption. With a parliamentary maneuver, supported and orchestrated by the allies of the PT in the government, especially the current president Michel Temer\u2019s PMDB, her erstwhile allies fomented the impeachment of Dilma.<\/p>\n

A crise global do capitalismo de queda da taxa de lucros que estourou em 2008 e tem provocado grande instabilidade no mundo todo, n\u00e3o poupou o Brasil. Em 2011 a crise atingiu forte o pa\u00eds e nos anos de 2015 e 2016 o Brasil teve a maior recess\u00e3o da sua hist\u00f3ria. Dilma e o PT se reelegeram em 2014 negando a exist\u00eancia da crise e prometendo que o pa\u00eds \u201cvoltaria a crescer\u201d. A queda do PIB, a infla\u00e7\u00e3o alta e desemprego, o aumento da mis\u00e9ria e as den\u00fancias de corrup\u00e7\u00e3o, cada vez aumentava mais a insatisfa\u00e7\u00e3o dos trabalhadores e povo pobre. A burguesia e a m\u00eddia que tamb\u00e9m n\u00e3o mencionam a profunda crise capitalista mundial partiu para uma ofensiva contra o PT, tendo a principal arma a opera\u00e7\u00e3o Lava-Jato, dizendo que o problema da crise no pa\u00eds era o PT e a corrup\u00e7\u00e3o. Com uma manobra parlamentar, apoiada e orquestrada pelos aliados do PT no governo, especialmente o PMDB do atual presidente Michel Temer, levou ao impeachment de Dilma.<\/em><\/p>\n

But the crisis, corruption and the offensive of the “Car-Wash” did not stop with the PT. After the fall of Dilma, the bourgeoisie that ruled in alliance with the PT in its 14 years of government and maneuvered to overthrow it, are now also targets of the “Car-Wash”. Even the PSDB, which was not part of the Lula \/ Dilma governments, and is the largest right-wing party in opposition to the PT, and that before the PT administration was itself in power for 8 years, is reached by the scandal. All those who have governed the country in the last decades are under the eyeball of the “Car-Wash”.<\/p>\n

Por\u00e9m, a crise, a corrup\u00e7\u00e3o e a ofensiva da lava-jato n\u00e3o parou no PT. Ap\u00f3s a ca\u00edda de Dilma, a burguesia que governou em alian\u00e7a com o PT nos 14 anos de governo e manobraram para derruba-la, agora se veem tamb\u00e9m alvos da Lava-jato. Mesmo o PSDB, que n\u00e3o fez parte dos governos Lula\/Dilma, \u00e9 o maior partido de direita na oposi\u00e7\u00e3o ao PT e que antes do PT esteve no poder por 8 anos, \u00e9 atingido. Todos aqueles que governaram o pa\u00eds nas \u00faltimas d\u00e9cadas est\u00e3o sob a mira da lava-Jato.<\/em><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a><\/p>\n

In spite of the political crisis, with moments when his government seemed to be coming to an end like the leak of the recording of the conversation between Temer and the owner of the JBS (the meat manufacturer under investigation for corruption-bad meat transl. note–see ref. link below), the revelation of the president’s involvement in corruption keeps on spreading. Temer has managed to approve \u201creforms,\u201d such as labor, austerity measures such as the spending ceiling PEC (a \u201cPEC\u201d is a proposal of constitutional amendment–ed.), High School Reform and to conduct pre-salt oil auctions. However, the Social Security Reform, the main proposal of “A bridge to the future” program that spells out Temer\u2019s actions as president after the impeachment of Dilma, is very difficult to carry out for the current government. Temer has also maintained the Lula \/ PT’s “progressive” policy of approaching Russian and Chinese imperialism and the BRICS. He visited China a few months ago and came back “impressed” with the country’s interest in investing in Brazil. Temer now proposes the “reconstruction” of Syria, putting Brazil in support of the dictator Assad who massacres the Syrian people and tries to end the revolution.<\/p>\n

Apesar da crise pol\u00edtica, com momentos em que seu governo parecia estar chegando ao fim como o da divulga\u00e7\u00e3o do \u00e1udio da conversa entre Temer e o dono da JBS escancarando de vez o envolvimento do presidente na corrup\u00e7\u00e3o, Temer tem conseguido aprovar reformas, como a trabalhista, medidas de austeridade como a PEC do teto de gastos, a Reforma do Ensino M\u00e9dio e realizar leil\u00f5es de petr\u00f3leo do pr\u00e9-sal. Por\u00e9m, a Reforma da Previd\u00eancia, a principal proposta do programa \u201cUma ponte para o Futuro\u201d onde esclarecia suas a\u00e7\u00f5es como presidente com o impeachment de Dilma, est\u00e1 sendo muito dif\u00edcil de ser levada a cabo pelo atual governo. Temer tamb\u00e9m tem mantido a pol\u00edtica \u201cprogressista\u201d do Lula\/PT, de aproxima\u00e7\u00e3o do imperialismo russo e chin\u00eas e os BRICS. Ha alguns meses visitou a China e voltou \u201cimpressionado\u201d no interesse do pa\u00eds em investir no Brasil. Temer agora se prop\u00f5em a \u201creconstru\u00e7\u00e3o\u201d da S\u00edria, colocando o Brasil no suporte ao ditador Assad que massacra o povo s\u00edrio e tenta acabar com a revolu\u00e7\u00e3o. <\/em><\/p>\n

The media and the bourgeoisie, who support \u201cCar-Wash\u201d and attack the government, say that the continuation of the political crisis and corruption is what makes it impossible for the government to approve the economic measures they support. They are not against the economic measures that the government wants to implement, especially the Pension Reform, which is considered the great villain of the public accounts deficit. But they think the Temer government is not able to approve them. The PSDB, which at its December conference decided to leave the government, made a point of reassuring its commitment to the Pension Reform.<\/p>\n

A m\u00eddia e a burguesia que apoiam a lava-jato e atacam o governo, dizem que a continuidade da crise pol\u00edtica e da corrup\u00e7\u00e3o \u00e9 o que impossibilita o governo aprovar as medidas econ\u00f4micas, as quais eles apoiam. Eles n\u00e3o s\u00e3o contra as medidas econ\u00f4micas que o governo quer implantar, especialmente a Reforma da previd\u00eancia, que \u00e9 considerada o grande vil\u00e3o do d\u00e9ficit das contas p\u00fablicas. Mas acham que o governo Temer n\u00e3o \u00e9 capaz de aprova-las. O PSDB, que em sua conferencia no inicio de dezembro decidiu por deixar o governo, fez quest\u00e3o de assumir seu compromisso com a Reforma da Previd\u00eancia.<\/em><\/p>\n

Faced with the greatest economic crisis and political instability the Brazilian institutions are already discussing the electoral process that will choose the new president and national congress in October, 2018. PT and PSDB have been in power for the last 23 years and PMDB was in all the governments since the re-democratization, and each are in crisis, worn out with reports of corruption, the austerity measures they apply and with very low popularity. The bourgeoisie is divided. Small parties try to present themselves as alternative, many are physiological parties, renting legends and adventurers, but also the extreme right ideology sees a possibility of ascent, in addition to interventionists who call for a military dictatorship.<\/p>\n

Diante da maior crise econ\u00f4mica e instabilidade politica e das institui\u00e7\u00f5es brasileiras \u00e9 que j\u00e1 se discute o processo eleitoral que escolher\u00e1 novo presidente e congresso nacional em outubro de 2018. PT e PSDB que alternadamente estiveram no poder nos \u00faltimos 23 anos, e PMDB que fez parte de todos os governos desde a redemocratiza\u00e7\u00e3o est\u00e3o em crise, desgastados com as den\u00fancias de corrup\u00e7\u00e3o, as medidas de austeridade que aplicam e com baix\u00edssima popularidade. A burguesia est\u00e1 dividida. Pequenos partidos tentam se apresentar como alternativa, muitos s\u00e3o partidos fisiologistas, legendas de aluguel e aventureiros, mas tamb\u00e9m os ideol\u00f3gicos de extrema direita veem uma possibilidade de ascens\u00e3o, al\u00e9m dos intervencionistas que pedem uma ditadura militar.<\/em><\/p>\n

In the re-election of Dilma, the PT denied the crisis and promised the “return of growth”. Now the PT says that the crisis has been caused by the current government and promises to return to investments and economic growth if Lula is elected in 2018. During Lula\u2019s caravans across the country in recent months, he maintains that his government “did more for the workers”, that his government “invested”, that it is necessary to “make Brazil grow again” and that for these feats he is now persecuted by the media and \u201cCar-Wash\u201d.<\/p>\n

Na reelei\u00e7\u00e3o de Dilma, o PT negava a crise e prometia a \u201cvolta do crescimento\u201d. Agora, diz que a crise foi causada pelo atual governo e promete a volta dos investimentos e crescimento econ\u00f4mico se Lula for eleito em 2018. Lula, durante as caravanas que tem realizado pelo pa\u00eds nos \u00faltimos meses, mant\u00e9m seu discurso de que seu governo foi o que \u201cmais fez pelos trabalhadores\u201d, que seu governo \u201cinvestia\u201d, que \u00e9 necess\u00e1rio \u201cfazer o Brasil crescer de novo\u201d e que por esses feitos ele \u00e9 hoje perseguido pela m\u00eddia e a Lava-Jato.<\/em><\/p>\n

Many workers are hopeful that with the return of Lula to the presidency of Brazil, the pre-crisis conditions may return, that is: “investments” and full credits. But we know that this is not possible. Withdrawal of rights and attacks on living conditions of the working class are the only way out for the bourgeoisie and imperialism. What could happen to an eventual new Popular Front government that will have to approve measures to attack the working class, who have worn Dilma and now Michel Temer?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Muitos trabalhadores t\u00eam esperan\u00e7a que com a volta de Lula \u00e0 presid\u00eancia do Brasil, as condi\u00e7\u00f5es anteriores \u00e0 crise possam voltar, isso \u00e9: os \u201cinvestimentos\u201d e cr\u00e9ditos fartos. Mas sabemos que isso n\u00e3o \u00e9 poss\u00edvel. A retirada de direitos, os ataques as condi\u00e7\u00f5es de vida da classe trabalhadora s\u00e3o a \u00fanica sa\u00edda para a burguesia e o imperialismo. O que poderia acontecer com um eventual novo governo de FP que ter\u00e1 que aprovar medidas de ataque a classe trabalhadora, que desgastaram Dilma e agora Michel Temer?<\/em><\/p>\n

However, Lula’s candidacy is one of the great, and many, unknowns for the 2018 elections. Lula is threatened by the \u201cCar-Wash\u201d, which promises to condemn him making his candidacy impossible. What can happen if Lula is prevented from contesting the elections? The PSDB elected the current Sao Paulo governor, Geraldo Alckmim, as party chairman and everything is headed for him to be the legendary candidate next year, with a divided and rather worn party. But a strong bid, which will have lots of money. Alckmin has so far been free from corruption and certainly the candidate of greater stability for the bourgeoisie.<\/p>\n

Por\u00e9m, a candidatura de Lula \u00e9 uma das grandes, de muitas, inc\u00f3gnitas para as elei\u00e7\u00f5es de 2018. Lula est\u00e1 amea\u00e7ado pela Lava-jato, que promete condena-lo impossibilitando sua candidatura. O que pode acontecer se Lula for impedido de disputar as elei\u00e7\u00f5es?<\/em><\/p>\n

O PSDB elegeu o atual governador de SP, Geraldo Alckmim, como presidente do partido e tudo se encaminha para ele ser o candidato da legenda o ano que vem, com um partido dividido e bastante desgastado. Por\u00e9m uma candidatura forte, que ter\u00e1 muito dinheiro. Alckmin tem se mantido at\u00e9 agora livre dos processos de corrup\u00e7\u00e3o e com certeza o candidato de maior estabilidade para a burguesia. <\/em><\/p>\n

In polls for the 2018 elections appearing in second place, behind Lula, is the far right candidate, Bolsonaro. A federal deputy for the PSC (the Christian Social Party), he is known for his extremist statements and defense of the military dictatorship. However, he is now leaving his current party and is having difficulties closing agreements with the parties he is in unity discussions with. All these are \u201cnanny\u201d parties.<\/p>\n

Nas pesquisas de inten\u00e7\u00e3o de voto para as elei\u00e7\u00f5es de 2018, aparece em segundo lugar, atr\u00e1s de Lula, o candidato da extrema direita, Bolsonaro. Deputado federal pelo PSC, \u00e9 conhecido por suas declara\u00e7\u00f5es extremistas e de defesa da ditadura militar. Por\u00e9m, est\u00e1 agora deixando o atual partido e com dificuldades de fechar acordo os partidos que tem discutido para filiar-se. <\/em>Todos estes partidos \u201cnanicos\u201d.<\/em><\/p>\n

But beyond the traditional right and the reformist left, in the electoral debate for “an exit to Brazil\u201d, reactionary sectors appear to be saying that they have the best “exit,\u201d like the declaration, months ago, of an army officer saying that in case of “chaos” the military must “act”.<\/p>\n

Mas al\u00e9m da tradicional direita e a esquerda reformista, no debate eleitoral para \u201cuma sa\u00edda para o Brasil\u201d, setores reacion\u00e1rios aparecem dizendo-se ter a melhor \u201csa\u00edda, como a declara\u00e7\u00e3o, meses atr\u00e1s, de um oficial do ex\u00e9rcito dizendo que em caso de \u201ccaos\u201d os militares devem \u201cagir\u201d.<\/em><\/p>\n

The PT is the largest leftist party in the country. It was built in the workers’ struggles against the military dictatorship in the 1980s and generated great expectations among the entire working class of Brazil. The PT’s alliance with the bourgeoisie and a popular front government that ruled for the bourgeoisie, big banks and corporations and imperialism, show that we should not put our hopes in bourgeois elections. In these elections the workers need an alternative to any popular front. It is necessary to stand against alliances of the PT with the bourgeoisie; this is the main reason for the PT\u2019s betrayal of the workers. For the PT to be on the workers’ side, it is necessary to break with the bourgeoisie.<\/em><\/strong> However, the PT has never left its alliances with the bourgeoisie and nothing indicates that it will leave them in the 2018 elections. On the contrary, it is increasingly linked to the bourgeoisie, especially to the “coupists” who also try to defend themselves against \u201cCar-Wash\u201d prosecutions. During Lula\u2019s caravan across the\u00a0\u00a0 Brazilian northeast, he joined on the platform with figures connected to the “colonel” of Alagoas, Renan Calheiros (PMDB), a well-known corrupt oligarch who was in the PT government and is also accused in the \u201cCar-Wash\u201d investigation. Lula also publicly stated that it is possible for the PT to make alliances with the parties that defended Dilma’s impeachment.<\/p>\n

O PT \u00e9 o maior partido de esquerda do pa\u00eds, foi constru\u00eddo nas lutas operarias contra a ditadura militar na d\u00e9cada de 80 e gerou grandes expectativas em toda classe trabalhadora brasileira. A alian\u00e7a do PT com a burguesia e um governo de FP que governou para a burguesia, grandes bancos e empresas e o imperialismo, mostram que n\u00e3o devemos depositar nossas esperan\u00e7as nas elei\u00e7\u00f5es burguesas. Nessas elei\u00e7\u00f5es os trabalhadores precisam de uma alternativa \u00e0 Frente Popular(FP). \u00c9 necess\u00e1rio ficar contra alian\u00e7as do PT com a burguesia, esse \u00e9 o principal motivo da trai\u00e7\u00e3o do PT com a os trabalhadores. Para o PT estar de fato do lado dos trabalhadores \u00e9 preciso romper com a burguesia.<\/strong> Por\u00e9m, o PT nunca deixou suas alian\u00e7as com a classe dominante e nada indica que as deixar\u00e1 nas elei\u00e7\u00f5es de 2018. Pelo contr\u00e1rio, est\u00e1 cada vez mais ligado a burguesia, especialmente a \u201cgolpista\u201d que tenta se defender da lava-jato. Na caravana que Lula fez pelo nordeste brasileiro, levou ao palanque figuras ligadas ao \u201ccoronel\u201d de alagoas, Renan Calheiros (PMDB), conhecido oligarca corrupto, que esteve no governo PT e \u00e9, tamb\u00e9m, acusado e investigado pela Lava-Jato. Lula tamb\u00e9m<\/em> declarou<\/a><\/em> publicamente que \u00e9 poss\u00edvel o PT fazer alian\u00e7as com os partidos que defenderam o impeachment de Dilma.<\/em><\/p>\n

PSOL and PSTU, the largest parties on the left that opposed the popular front government, say that a leftist alternative is needed in the elections. Everyone claims to defend a “Left Front” in the elections. PSOL defends a slate as an “alternative” to Lula \/ PT and is already discussing names to nominate. However, the major currents of the PSOL are not against alliance with the bourgeoisie and many cases have already occurred in past elections and occur in the workers ‘and students’ movement, such as the PSOL alliance with the PPL (Partido Patria Libre) in the elections to the Poa prefecture in 2016. The PSTU in the last elections rejected the Left front and launched its own candidacies, but in the union movement it makes alliances through bureaucratic blocs with the union bureaucracy linked to bourgeois parties like the PDT, Solidarity, PPL, etc. In fact, whether opportunistic or sectarian, PSOL and PSTU propose an alternative to the PT, but not an alternative to the Popular Front.<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

PSOL e PSTU, os maiores partidos da esquerda que fizeram oposi\u00e7\u00e3o ao governo de FP do PT, dizem que \u00e9 necess\u00e1ria uma alternativa de esquerda ao PT nas elei\u00e7\u00f5es. Todos dizem defender uma \u201cFrente de Esquerda\u201d nas elei\u00e7\u00f5es. O PSOL defende uma candidatura como \u201calternativa\u201d a Lula\/PT e j\u00e1 est\u00e1 discutindo nomes para concorrer. Por\u00e9m, as maiores correntes do PSOL n\u00e3o s\u00e3o contra alian\u00e7a com a burguesia e muitos casos j\u00e1 ocorreram em elei\u00e7\u00f5es passadas e ocorrem no movimento dos trabalhadores e estudantes, como a alian\u00e7a do PSOL com o Partido p\u00e1tria Livre (PPL) nas elei\u00e7\u00f5es para a prefeitura de Porto Alegre em 2016. O PSTU nas \u00faltimas elei\u00e7\u00f5es tem negado a frente de Esquerda e lan\u00e7ado candidaturas pr\u00f3prias, mas no movimento sindical faz alian\u00e7as atrav\u00e9s de blocos burocr\u00e1ticos com a burocracia sindical ligadas a partido burgueses como o PDT, Solidariedade, PPL, etc. De fato, seja pela via oportunista ou sect\u00e1ria, PSOL e PSTU prop\u00f5em uma alternativa ao PT, mas n\u00e3o uma alternativa \u00e0 Frente Popular.<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n

Among private sector workers, especially the metallurgists, the workers who are blinded by the PT \/ CUT and the union bureaucracies, with the help of the PSOL \/ PSTU, through the “Brazil Metalworking Front.” Just as PSTU \/ PSOL support the bureaucratic bloc with the union bureaucracy in the workers’ movement against \u201clabor reform\u201d and social security cuts, they support the same bureaucracy in the organization of metallurgists. In the factories of the San Jose dos Campos (SJC), controlled by the PSTU, workers of several factories made a move and went on strike. The union leadership kept all the strikes isolated by factory, with economist guidelines and left the so-proclaimed “unity” and “fight against Temer and the reforms” for the Bloc it has with the bureaucracies and the “National Days of Mobilization”. Recently it has been proved once again that diverting the struggle into bureaucratic blocs with the trade union bureaucracy serves to demobilize and demoralize the workers’ struggle. This was on top of the betrayal where the CUT and other central bureaucracies disregarded the general strike of 5\/12, which had been agreed among themselves against the Pension Reform. The same had already occurred in the General Strike on June 30th , which was boycotted by most of the plants, and by the CUT.<\/p>\n

No setor de trabalhadores da iniciativa privada, especialmente o metal\u00fargico, os trabalhadores est\u00e3o blindados pelo PT\/CUT e as burocracias sindical, com a ajuda do PSOL\/PSTU, atrav\u00e9s da \u201cFrente Brasil Metal\u00fargico\u201d. Assim como PSTU\/PSOL sustentam o bloco burocr\u00e1tico com a burocracia sindical no movimento dos trabalhadores contra a reforma trabalhista e da previd\u00eancia, sustentam a mesma burocracia na organiza\u00e7\u00e3o dos metal\u00fargicos. Nas f\u00e1bricas do sindicato de S\u00e3o Jos\u00e9 dos Campos (SJC), controlado pelo PSTU, oper\u00e1rios de v\u00e1rias f\u00e1bricas fizeram movimento e entraram em greve. A dire\u00e7\u00e3o do sindicato manteve todas as greves isoladas por f\u00e1brica, com pautas economicistas e deixou a t\u00e3o proclamada \u201cunidade\u201d e \u201cluta contra Temer e as reformas\u201d para o Bloco que tem com as burocracias e os \u201cDias nacional de Mobiliza\u00e7\u00e3o\u201d. Recentemente, provou-se mais uma vez que desviar a luta para blocos burocr\u00e1ticos com a burocracia sindical serve para desmobilizar e desmoralizar a luta dos trabalhadores al\u00e9m de ser uma trai\u00e7\u00e3o, quando a CUT e demais centrais burocr\u00e1ticas desmarcaram a Greve geral do dia 5\/12, que havia sido acordada entre elas mesmas, contra a Reforma da Previd\u00eancia. O mesmo j\u00e1 havia ocorrido na Greve Geral do dia 30\/6, que foi boicotada pela maioria das centrais, inclusive a CUT.<\/em><\/p>\n

\u00a0\"\"<\/a><\/em><\/p>\n

December 12, 2017 Sao Bernardo do Campo homeless workers encampment<\/em><\/p>\n

Another sector of the left that is quite numerous and has great influence is the MTST (Movement of the Homeless Workers), and its leader Guilherme Boulos (GB), and the sectors around him. Even the mainstream of the PSOL prevented its party congress in early December from deciding on a presidential candidate, because they want to persuade the leader of the homeless workers to be the candidate for the party. The MTST is the largest housing movement in the country. The occupation “People without Fear” in Sao Bernardo do Campo(SBC), started on a large plot occupied by a few hundred people in December. In a week, the occupation expanded to 8 thousand families! The \u201cPeople without Fear\u201d occupation of SBC is a great expression of the social crisis we are experiencing. What is the outcome for the homeless movement?<\/p>\n

Outro setor da esquerda que \u00e9 bastante numeroso e tem grande influ\u00eancia \u00e9 o MTST, e o seu l\u00edder Guilherme Boulos, e os setores a sua volta. Inclusive a maior corrente do PSOL impediu que o congresso do partido no in\u00edcio de dezembro decidisse o candidato \u00e0 presid\u00eancia, porque quer convencer o l\u00edder dos trabalhadores sem-teto a ser o candidato pelo partido. O MTST \u00e9 o maior movimento por moradia do pa\u00eds. A ocupa\u00e7\u00e3o \u201cPovo sem Medo\u201d em S\u00e3o Bernardo do Campo (SBC), um grande terreno ocupado por algumas centenas de pessoas em setembro, em uma semana j\u00e1 teria 8 mil fam\u00edlias! A ocupa\u00e7\u00e3o Povo sem Medo de SBC \u00e9 um exemplo de como essa \u00e9 uma grande express\u00e3o da crise social que vivemos. Qual a sa\u00edda para o movimento sem teto?<\/em><\/p>\n

The main housing policy of PT governments was the Minha Casa Minha Vida program. This program was part of the PAC (Program for the Advancement of Children), which included other sectors of the economy, was based on the public financing of works of large contractors, through PPPs ( Public Private Partnerships law projects) and concessions. Big construction contractors have never made so much money. They are the same ones who won a lot in the contracts with Petrobras and in the cartels that negotiated with the government, today denounced in the \u201cCar-Wash\u201d. The boom in the sale of commodities and the large inflow of revenue enabled the PT to apply neoliberal policies in the country with some concessions. For MTST and its leader GB, demanding from the government My House My Life is the solution to the housing issue and is the solution for the more than 8,000 families in SBC and the millions of homeless in Brazil. GB, on several occasions, has appeared on the platforms with Lula and the PT.<\/p>\n

A principal pol\u00edtica dos governos PT para a moradia foi o programa Minha Casa Minha Vida. Esse programa fazia parte do Programa de Acelera\u00e7\u00e3o do Crescimento (PAC), que incluindo outros setores da economia, baseava-se no financiamento p\u00fablico de obras de grandes empreiteiras, atrav\u00e9s de PPP e concess\u00f5es. As grandes empreiteiras da constru\u00e7\u00e3o civil nunca ganharam tanto dinheiro. S\u00e3o as mesmas que ganharam muito nos contratos com a Petrobras e nos carteis que negociavam com o governo, hoje denunciados na Lava-Jato. O boom da venda de commodities e a grande entrada de receita possibilitaram o PT a aplicar as pol\u00edticas neoliberais no pa\u00eds com algumas concess\u00f5es. Para o MTST e o seu l\u00edder Guilherme Boulos, exigir do governo o Minha Casa Minha Vida \u00e9 a solu\u00e7\u00e3o para a quest\u00e3o da moradia e as mais de 8 mil fam\u00edlias em SBC e os milh\u00f5es de sem teto no Brasil. Guilherme Boulos, em v\u00e1rias ocasi\u00f5es, tem aparecido nos palanques com Lula e o PT. \u00c9 tamb\u00e9m o impulsionador da<\/em> Plataforma VAMOS<\/a><\/em>, que re\u00fane v\u00e1rias correntes e militantes para discuss\u00e3o de um \u201cprojeto para o Brasil\u201d que promete combater o fascismo com democracia (burguesa) e melhorar o capitalismo.<\/em><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a><\/p>\n

In the big cities of Brazil, with millions of unemployed, homeless, and workers losing rights and living conditions –in the interior and small cities the indignation of the poor people is increasing with an unbearable condition of life– it is not difficult to hear of the revolts of those who set fire to prefectures and burn politicians\u2019 effigies. In the countryside there is a real civil war. Landowners and their paramilitary groups decimate indigenous populations and massacre rural workers and small farmers. Recently, in OESTE BAIANO, the people of a city invaded a farm and destroyed the entire hydraulic\/electric system for irrigation, which left the river without water to supply the population. The end of public services, as one of the government’s key measures to cut spending, has hit heavily the municipal, state and federal civil servants, who have initiated several strike movements across the country.<\/p>\n

O Brasil tem nas grandes cidades milh\u00f5es de desempregados, sem tetos, os trabalhadores perdendo direitos e condi\u00e7\u00f5es de vida, no interior e pequenas cidades a indigna\u00e7\u00e3o do povo pobre \u00e9 cada vez maior com uma condi\u00e7\u00e3o de vida insuport\u00e1vel, n\u00e3o \u00e9 dif\u00edcil escutarmos de revoltas que colocam fogo em prefeituras e perseguem pol\u00edticos. No campo, uma verdadeira guerra civil, latifundi\u00e1rios e seus bandos paramilitares dizimam popula\u00e7\u00f5es ind\u00edgenas e massacram os trabalhadores rurais e pequenos agricultores. Recentemente, no OESTE BAIANO, o povo de uma cidade invadiu uma fazenda e destruiu todo o sistema hidr\u00e1ulico, el\u00e9trico para a irriga\u00e7\u00e3o, que deixava o rio sem \u00e1gua para abastecimento da popula\u00e7\u00e3o. O fim dos servi\u00e7os p\u00fablicos como uma das principais medidas do governo para diminuir os gastos tem atingido fortemente os servidores p\u00fablicos municipais, estaduais e federal, e gerado v\u00e1rios movimentos de greve pelo pa\u00eds.<\/em><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a><\/p>\n

Last October we saw the left holding events to commemorate the 100th anniversary of the Russian Revolution. The uncertainties and instabilities that permeate the debate over the 2018 elections should bring to the fore debates such as the 100 years of the Russian revolution, the need for the Brazilian revolution and the Bolshevik party for an independent and revolutionary response from the workers to this crisis. Not what is happening; the examples and teachings of the Russian Revolution have remained only for “feast days.” On the contrary, the “revolutionary” left says that the socialist revolution in Brazil is not possible!<\/p>\n

Em outubro passado, vimos a esquerda fazendo eventos para comemorar os 100 anos da Revolu\u00e7\u00e3o Russa. As incertezas e instabilidades que permeiam o debate sobre as elei\u00e7\u00f5es de 2018 deveria trazer \u00e0 tona debates como os dos 100 anos da revolu\u00e7\u00e3o russa, a necessidade da revolu\u00e7\u00e3o brasileira e do partido bolchevique para uma resposta independente e revolucion\u00e1ria dos trabalhadores a essa crise. N\u00e3o \u00e9 o que est\u00e1 ocorrendo, os exemplos e ensinamentos da Revolu\u00e7\u00e3o Russa tem ficado para os \u201cdias de festa\u201d. Pelo contr\u00e1rio, a esquerda \u201crevolucionaria\u201d diz que n\u00e3o \u00e9 poss\u00edvel a revolu\u00e7\u00e3o socialista no Brasil.<\/em><\/p>\n

Capitalism cannot solve the crisis without fascism and barbarism. The Popular Front is not capable of fighting fascism. On the contrary, it creates illusions in bourgeois democracy, demobilizes and demoralizes the workers and opens the way to fascism.<\/p>\n

O capitalismo n\u00e3o pode resolver a crise sem fascismo e barbarismo. A Frente Popular n\u00e3o \u00e9 capaz de combater o fascismo. Pelo contr\u00e1rio, ela cria ilus\u00f5es na democracia burguesa, desmobiliza e desmoraliza os trabalhadores e abre caminho para o fascismo.<\/em><\/p>\n

Workers need to break with the bureaucracy that drives trade unions and union centrals. <\/em>Workers need to break with the bureaucracy that drives trade unions and union centrals. Workers who have made great movements and strikes in recent years need to move forward to the formation of committees of workers and oppressed who can take in their hands the course of the movement itself and strike, resuming their traditional methods of struggle such as pickets and general strike. Not to mention, for example, in the teachers’ strike in Rio Grande do Sul (RS) that for years the union leadership has kept workers on strike away from the workplace, preventing and \/ or discouraging picketing at school doors. This happened during the 94-day strike of this year (2017) and even in 2016, when the students formed a true united front and occupied the schools! Or what has happened in the mobilization and construction of the General Strike, in which the summits of the union centrals decided to carry out the general strike in meetings between four walls–in the same way that they regularly \u2018go-through-the-motions\u2019!<\/p>\n

Os trabalhadores precisam romper com a burocracia que dirige os sindicatos e centrais sindicais. Os trabalhadores que tem feito grandes movimentos e greves nos \u00faltimos anos precisam avan\u00e7ar para forma\u00e7\u00e3o de Comit\u00eas de trabalhadores e oprimidos que possam tomar em suas m\u00e3os o rumo do pr\u00f3prio movimento e da greve, retomando seus tradicionais m\u00e9todos de luta como os piquetes e greve geral. Para n\u00e3o acontecer como por exemplo na greve dos professores do Rio grande do Sul (RS) que h\u00e1 anos a dire\u00e7\u00e3o do sindicato mantem os trabalhadores em greve longe do local de trabalho, impedindo e\/ou desestimulando os piquetes nas portas das escolas. Isso aconteceu na greve de 94 dias desse ano e mesmo na de 2016, no momento em que os estudantes, em verdadeira frente \u00fanica, ocupavam as escolas! Ou o que tem acontecido na mobiliza\u00e7\u00e3o e constru\u00e7\u00e3o da Greve Geral, em que as c\u00fapulas das centrais sindicais decidem por realizar a greve geral em reuni\u00f5es entre quatro paredes da mesma forma que a desmarca!<\/em><\/p>\n

MTST and its leaders must break with the bureaucracy and the bourgeoisie. To advance in the construction of committees of workers and oppressed people and self-defense organized to fight against the bourgeoisie and imperialism.<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

O MTST e seus l\u00edderes precisam romper com a burocracia e a burguesia. Avan\u00e7ar na constru\u00e7\u00e3o de comit\u00eas de trabalhadores e povo oprimido e autodefesa organizada para combater a burguesia e o imperialismo.<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n

For a Congress of Workers elected on grassroots committees to discuss and decide the course of the fight!<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

For a government of Workers’ Committees!<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

In the 2018 election, support for workers’ committees to launch their candidates as tribunes against the Popular Front!<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Por um Congresso de Trabalhadores eleitos em comit\u00eas de base para discutir e decidir os rumos da luta!<\/strong><\/p>\n

Por um governo de Comit\u00eas de Trabalhadores!<\/strong><\/p>\n

Nas elei\u00e7\u00f5es de 2018, apoio para que os comit\u00eas de trabalhadores lancem seus candidatos como tribunos contra a Frente Popular!<\/strong><\/p>\n

For a revolutionary workers party that organize the vanguard workers to fight for workers power!<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Para um partido revolucion\u00e1rio dos trabalhadores que organiza os trabalhadores da vanguarda.!<\/strong><\/p>\n

For a new revolutionary workers international based on the method of Trotsky\u2019s 1938 Transitional Program!<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Para um novo trabalhador revolucion\u00e1rio internacional baseado no m\u00e9todo do Programa Transit\u00f3rio de Trotsky de 1938!<\/strong><\/p>\n

Sources:<\/strong><\/p>\n

http:\/\/fortune.com\/2017\/09\/14\/jbs-batista-brazil-temer-corruption-insider-trading\/<\/a><\/p>\n

Video of general strike action: https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/article\/us-brazil-politics-protests\/brazil-protesters-police-clash-in-first-general-strike-in-decades-idUSKBN17U0EX<\/a><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The following is translated and reprinted from our comrades of the Revolutionary Workers Group of Brazil (RWG-BR). The original Portuguese is included alongside the English translation: Brazil 2018 elections: Break with the Popular Front! For an Independent and Revolutionary Alternative!\u00a0 Brasil elei\u00e7\u00f5es 2018: romper com a Frente Popular! Por uma alternativa independente e Revolucion\u00e1ria! The…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"nf_dc_page":"","sfsi_plus_gutenberg_text_before_share":"","sfsi_plus_gutenberg_show_text_before_share":"","sfsi_plus_gutenberg_icon_type":"","sfsi_plus_gutenberg_icon_alignemt":"","sfsi_plus_gutenburg_max_per_row":"","_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[803,10,785,782,66,67,1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1973","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-brazil-latin-america","category-brazil","category-international","category-latin-america","category-revolution","category-socialism","category-uncategorized"],"yoast_head":"\nBrazil 2018 elections - Communist Workers Group (CWG-USA)<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/?p=1973\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Brazil 2018 elections - Communist Workers Group (CWG-USA)\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"The following is translated and reprinted from our comrades of the Revolutionary Workers Group of Brazil (RWG-BR). 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The original Portuguese is included alongside the English translation: Brazil 2018 elections: Break with the Popular Front! For an Independent and Revolutionary Alternative!\u00a0 Brasil elei\u00e7\u00f5es 2018: romper com a Frente Popular! Por uma alternativa independente e Revolucion\u00e1ria! The...","og_url":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/?p=1973","og_site_name":"Communist Workers Group (CWG-USA)","article_published_time":"2018-01-09T01:51:06+00:00","og_image":[{"url":"http:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/01\/exports.png","type":"","width":"","height":""}],"author":"CWG-USA","twitter_card":"summary_large_image","twitter_misc":{"Written by":"CWG-USA","Est. reading time":"27 minutes"},"schema":{"@context":"https:\/\/schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"Article","@id":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/?p=1973#article","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/?p=1973"},"author":{"name":"CWG-USA","@id":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/#\/schema\/person\/51b44e1af64a64726619d31caaa07750"},"headline":"Brazil 2018 elections","datePublished":"2018-01-09T01:51:06+00:00","mainEntityOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/?p=1973"},"wordCount":5409,"commentCount":0,"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/?p=1973#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"http:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/01\/exports.png","articleSection":["Brazil","Brazil","INTERNATIONAL","Latin America","revolution","socialism"],"inLanguage":"en-US","potentialAction":[{"@type":"CommentAction","name":"Comment","target":["https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/?p=1973#respond"]}]},{"@type":"WebPage","@id":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/?p=1973","url":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/?p=1973","name":"Brazil 2018 elections - Communist Workers Group (CWG-USA)","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/#website"},"primaryImageOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/?p=1973#primaryimage"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/?p=1973#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"http:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/01\/exports.png","datePublished":"2018-01-09T01:51:06+00:00","author":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/#\/schema\/person\/51b44e1af64a64726619d31caaa07750"},"breadcrumb":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/?p=1973#breadcrumb"},"inLanguage":"en-US","potentialAction":[{"@type":"ReadAction","target":["https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/?p=1973"]}]},{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-US","@id":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/?p=1973#primaryimage","url":"http:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/01\/exports.png","contentUrl":"http:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/01\/exports.png"},{"@type":"BreadcrumbList","@id":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/?p=1973#breadcrumb","itemListElement":[{"@type":"ListItem","position":1,"name":"Home","item":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/"},{"@type":"ListItem","position":2,"name":"Brazil 2018 elections"}]},{"@type":"WebSite","@id":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/#website","url":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/","name":"Communist Workers Group (CWG-USA)","description":"For World Socialist Revolution!","potentialAction":[{"@type":"SearchAction","target":{"@type":"EntryPoint","urlTemplate":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/?s={search_term_string}"},"query-input":{"@type":"PropertyValueSpecification","valueRequired":true,"valueName":"search_term_string"}}],"inLanguage":"en-US"},{"@type":"Person","@id":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/#\/schema\/person\/51b44e1af64a64726619d31caaa07750","name":"CWG-USA","image":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-US","@id":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/6d77e5f21098eb8f278970c964dfdbef32631606bea840927e0060b507e9a34f?s=96&d=mm&r=g","url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/6d77e5f21098eb8f278970c964dfdbef32631606bea840927e0060b507e9a34f?s=96&d=mm&r=g","contentUrl":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/6d77e5f21098eb8f278970c964dfdbef32631606bea840927e0060b507e9a34f?s=96&d=mm&r=g","caption":"CWG-USA"},"url":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/?author=1"}]}},"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1973","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=1973"}],"version-history":[{"count":6,"href":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1973\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1983,"href":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1973\/revisions\/1983"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=1973"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=1973"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.cwgusa.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=1973"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}